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We just came back from three weeks in Egypt, Saudi Arabia,
Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE.
Our Chairman, Wyche Fowler, our
Director of Communications, Maggie
Mitchell and I went to the region to
examine what is happening, what the
leaders are thinking and what the people
of the region believe. The results were
discouraging.
The image of the United States has
suffered badly since the failure of the
Camp David talks. We found frustration, anger, misconceptions, and a lot of
confusion about what this country and this
Administration stand for.
We found that the U.S. government
was not communicating well and that the
multiple voices coming out of Washington
were adding to the confusion.
In addition, we found very little
understanding of what the United States
went through on September 11 last year and
how that experience has shifted our
national perceptions and priorities.
When we last visited the region, in
October 2001, our interlocutors voiced
shock and grief for American losses and
fear of our response – notably
anti-Arab, anti-Muslim backlash. These
concerns were voiced along with
frustration at the President’s
disinclination to weigh in on the
increasingly violent conflict between
Israelis and Palestinians.
Now, despite the President’s
April 4 Rose Garden statement and vision
for a two-state solution, we found
increasing levels of frustration, anger,
misconceptions, and a lot of confusion
about what this country and this
Administration stands for. Unfortunately, the U.S. government is still not communicating
well and the multiple voices coming out of
Washington are adding to the confusion.
Longstanding MEI friends in the region,
notably Arab businessmen with considerable
ties to the U.S., warned us of growing
anti-Americanism. One prominent
businessman said he would not smoke
Marlboros any more but had switched to
French cigarettes. Another said his
children would not drink Cokes or let him
go to McDonalds. He admitted that this
would have little impact on U.S. companies
and would only hurt local suppliers and
franchise holders. But he had the sense
that he had to do something, and the
symbolic act of an unofficial boycott,
ineffective though it might be, symbolized
his commitment to the Palestinians.
Parents were looking for boarding
schools and universities in Europe so that
they could transfer their children out of
American schools. Much of this is also the
result of widespread stories that Arab
visitors to the U.S. and Arab-Americans
are treated in a demeaning, prejudicial
manner. The 40-day wait for even the most
routine visitor visa, including visas for
frequent business travelers, is also
eroding confidence in an American sense of
fair play. And now the Justice Department
has only fanned the flames of popular
indignation by proposing a fingerprinting
requirement for many Arabs and Moslems
entering the United States.
We are a hair’s breadth away from the
development of serious, long-term negative
reactions against the United States,
particularly among the younger generation.
In Saudi Arabia we were told that a
generational divide was already
developing, due to a number of factors.
The older generation has studied
and lived in the United States, whereas an
increasing number of young Saudis are
staying at home, in part due to financial
considerations. Over 60% of the population
is under 25 and a vast majority is
subjected to an educational system that
the Saudis admit is in need of reform.
While hundreds of Americans helped develop
the country, working side by side with
Saudi counterparts, now the demand to
replace Westerners with Saudis has dried
up one means of cross-cultural exposure.
Finally, the young are exposed to some 30
Arabic TV stations broadcasting Israeli
actions in the West Bank without any
balance or attempt to represent the impact
of terrorism on the Israelis. What is
happening in Saudi Arabia is also
happening throughout the region.
There is a strong impression in the Middle
East that we don’t know much about the
region. Our friends liked to tweak us on
gaffes made by self-styled experts on
various US television networks that are
carried throughout the region. While we
were in Egypt, the story was making the
rounds that a poll had been conducted in
the United States after the President’s
“Axis of Evil” speech. The American
respondents to the poll were asked what
countries formed the Axis of Evil. After
careful thought, some respondents replied,
“Iran, Iraq and France”.
Indeed, very few people in the
region had the foggiest notion of what the
President was talking about when he
grouped Iraq, Iran and North Korea
together.
And while the White House tried to
explain the context of the remark, the
message the people of the region got was
that the United States was going to invade
Iraq, then Iran and finally North Korea.
Nothing the President has said since has
changed this popular perception – if
anything, his recent comments, and
comments by the Secretary and Deputy
Secretary of Defense have only reaffirmed
this conviction.
The popular interpretation of the
President’s remark was not shared by the
leadership.
We found no one at the leadership
level who was concerned about a US
military effort against Iran.
However, they did continue to worry about a
military response in Iraq. Virtually every
leader we talked to, including President
Mubarak and Crown Prince Abdullah told us
we would be making a huge mistake if we
sought to invade Iraq and overthrow Saddam
Hussein without dealing effectively first
with the Palestinian issue. President
Mubarak warned of the regional instability
that could ensue, particularly in the face
of mounting Palestinian casualties at
Israeli hands. There were no advocates of
Saddam Hussein.
And while certain moves toward
apparent reconciliation have been made by
Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, we found no
illusions about the nature of the Iraqi
regime or Saddam Hussein.
It certainly was our impression
that, if we made progress on the
Palestinian file, then there would be much
greater understanding of steps we might
make to deal with Saddam Hussein.
We were surprised by the number of individuals
in the region, including some at the
highest levels, who still question the
role of Arabs in the September 11th attack
on the Pentagon and the World Trade
Center. According to these individuals,
Arabs would not have been sufficiently
clever to pull off such an attack. What
devastating self-deprecation; and how
totally wrong. Such a view might simply
stem from wishful thinking. In part, it
reflects an assumption that only a
mastermind of great power and
sophistication could outwit the
all-powerful United States and wreak such
destruction.
Many Arabs, including the educated and
leadership elites, believe that the United
States is overwhelmingly powerful since
the decline of the Soviet Union. And
because of this power, they believe we can
act at will in the world. This impression
is reinforced every time one of our own
neo-conservative politicians and talking
heads expounds on the need for the US to
go it alone and to impose our will on the
world in places like Iraq, Syria, and
Saudi Arabia.
The corollary is that when we do
not do something, then there must be a
reason.
For example, we have been calling for the end
of Saddam Hussein for a number of years,
and yet he still rules in Baghdad. Many of
our friends in the region have concluded
that we must want Saddam Hussein to remain
in power because he gives us an excuse to
maintain our military presence in the
Gulf.
The average Saudi or Egyptian does
not understand the brutal efficiency of
Saddam Hussein’s intelligence and
security apparatus, which make him
virtually immune from attack.
They also do not understand the
limits on US intelligence capabilities.
If you believe that we have the power to
snap our fingers and get rid of Saddam
Hussein, then it is even more credible
that we can tell the Israelis what to do.
The people we talked to, for example,
could not understand how President Bush
could have supported a UN Security Council
Resolution that called for an
investigation of Israel’s attack on the
Jenin refugee camp in the occupied
territories, and then stood by while Prime
Minister Sharon refused to let the
investigators enter Israel. And even more
telling, in their minds, was the
President’s reiterated and vigorous
demand that Sharon pull his troops back
from the Palestinian cities, which Sharon
ignored. The conclusion many of my friends
drew was that the President was giving a
green light to Sharon behind the scenes
while placating the Arab world.
People from the top of society to the bottom
were stunned, for example, by President
Bush’s claim that Sharon was a man of
peace. Of all the statements the President
has made, that was the least understood.
The President had not established a
context for his statement. And whereas
such a public statement may have played a
necessary part in the President’s
successful effort to prevent Arafat’s
assassination or expulsion and to release
him from the Israeli grip, that case was
not made.
The Palestinian file was the focus of every
leader we talked to. President Mubarak was
deeply concerned about the situation and
the popular identification of the United
States with Israel’s military engagement
in the Palestinian areas. The leadership
in a number of Arab states we visited
questioned the viability of an
international conference at this point and
President Mubarak reminded me that
Secretary Baker had worked intensively for
six months to prepare for the Madrid
conference. This was work that still had
to be done, he felt.
The Saudi Crown Prince left no doubt about his
satisfaction with his reception by the
President in Crawford, Texas. And he was
encouraged by what he heard. But he is
waiting for results. He is also hopeful.
President Mubarak was also encouraged by
the new activism of the United States on
the Palestinian issue – late perhaps but
welcome. He recognized the President’s
contributions in averting a disaster by
ensuring the survival and freedom of
Arafat and preventing an Israeli attack on
Gaza. And he was emphatic in condemning suicide attacks and in
pushing for reform in the Palestinian
Authority.
He was looking forward to his visit
to Washington.
Mubarak and Abdullah, were both skeptical and
frustrated with the direction of some
members of the U.S. Administration. They
do not understand the political and
ideological rift that seems to be dividing
the Pentagon from the State Department. In
fact, they felt that the Administration
lacked policy clarity and was sending
contradictory messages. It appeared to
them that the Administration had not
decided yet on its direction and that the
President was being pulled one day in one
direction and in another the next.
In each case, with both Mubarak and Abdullah, we were
warned about confusion among their
populations, pressures on the leadership
and the prospect of long-term damage to
U.S. interests in the region. We were
warned that we are jeopardizing
long-standing patterns of friendship and
in each case, with both Mubarak and
Abdullah, we were warned about confusion
among their populations, pressures on the
leadership and the prospect of long-term
damage to U.S. interests in the region. We
were warned that we are jeopardizing
long-standing patterns of friendship and
trust. We were warned, as well, that the
younger generation in the region was
growing up with the idea that the American
people are deeply prejudiced against Arabs
and against Islam.
It is this last charge that may be the hardest
to overcome in the future. Our greatest
asset in the region is the expectation
that the United States stands for
fairness, justice, democracy, equality and
a host of other moral criteria that set us
apart from much of the world.
For the thirty-five years I have
been engaged with the Middle East, the
United States has maintained its
interests, largely, because of a belief in
the region, first expressed by President
Sadat, that only the United States could
bring peace to the region.
What will happen to our interests
when that belief no longer prevails? And
what will happen to our leadership ability
when our moral authority is debased? One
senior official in the Gulf was deeply
concerned by some of the steps that the US
was taking in reaction to September 11th -
indefinite detention of aliens without
charge; trial by military court without
civilian judicial review; and profiling by
criteria of age, gender and origin.
What a built-in excuse for every
two-bit dictator to do the same thing, he
noted. The United States, which has
preached human rights to the world, is
losing its moral authority to do so, he
said.
Our system is self-righting. Our political and
judicial systems will reestablish a
balance if we go too far in defense of
corporate rights over individual rights.
But this is not something that most people
in the region understand. Certainly, we
need to put greater emphasis on the nature
of our democracy when we talk to the
region. At the same time, we need to be
very careful about closing ourselves off
from the rest of the world through
security measures, which while onerous for
the innocent are easily circumvented by
the guilty. One of our principal strengths
in the region has been the fact that our
universities have educated so many of the
elites in the area.
It seemed to us that the United States has a
major challenge in the region that cannot
be answered by public diplomacy alone,
although that is a part of the answer. The
significant missing ingredient that we
confronted was the absence of certainty
and clarity in U.S. policy pronouncements.
To people in the region, the President
does not appear to be staying on message,
he is reinterpreted by his spokesman and
he is seemingly contradicted from time to
time by his Pentagon or, alternatively,
his State Department.
The problem may well be with U.S.
policies toward the Palestinian issue,
Iraq, terrorism, etc.
But no one we talked to could put
their finger precisely on what those
policies were.
At the time we were in the region,
government leaders were waiting for the
highly advertised President’s speech on
Middle East policy. From every contact I
have had in the region since that speech,
the reaction has been one of
disappointment and continued confusion
about U.S. policy. We
appeal for reform and democracy for the
Palestinian people while dictating that
Arafat cannot serve, even if elected by
the Palestinians in a free and fair
election. This serious inconsistency both
undermines the validity of our support for
reform, which our Arab allies back as
well, and has caused bewilderment and
disillusion throughout the region. We
appear to have turned our backs on true
democratic principles. This, coupled with
our newfound support for detention without
trial and trial by military court, has
shattered the hopes of many in the Middle
East that the U.S. stands for something
better than common practices in the
region. “How,” one university
professor asked, “Can we expect reform
of excesses that take place in the region
when leaders can point to similar
practices in the U.S.?” The comparison
is overdrawn but it is having a profound
impact on our credibility.
Edward S. Walker, Jr.
President
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