During my long life, America has
surmounted many severe challenges. As a teenager, I
experienced the great depression. In World War II, I saw
war close-up as a Navy Seabee. As a country newspaper
editor, I watched the Korean War from afar. As a Member
of Congress, I agonized through the Vietnam War from
start to finish. During these challenges I never for a
moment worried about America's ultimate survival with
its great principles and ideals still intact.
Today, for the first time, I worry
deeply about America's future. We are in a deep hole. I
believe President George W. Bush's decision to initiate
war in Iraq will be the greatest and most costly blunder
in American history. He has set America on the wrong
course.
I must speak out. As best I can, I
must bestir those who will listen to the grave damage
already done to our nation and warn of still greater
harm if Bush continues his present course during a
second term in the White House.
When terrorists assaulted America on
9/11, killing nearly 3,000 innocent civilians, President
Bush responded, not by focusing on bringing to justice
the criminals who were responsible, but by initiating a
war against impoverished, defenseless Afghanistan, a
broad attack that killed at least 3,000 innocent people.
Even before the dust settled in Afghanistan, the
president initiated another war--this one in Iraq, a war
planned long before 9/11.
In the name of national security,
the president has brought about fundamental,
revolutionary changes that threaten our nation's
moorings.
At home and abroad, he has undercut
time-honored principles of the rule of law.
Abroad, he has made war a ready instrument of
presidential policy instead of reserving it as a
last-resort should peril confront our nation.
In public documents, he claims the
personal authority to make war any time and any place he
alone chooses and the authority to use force to keep
unfriendly nations from increasing their own military
strength.
His power is unprecedented. He
directs a military budget greater than all other nations
combined. At his instant, personal command is more
military power than any nation in all recorded history
ever before possessed.
He proclaims America the global
policeman and for that role he has already expanded a
worldwide system of U.S. military bases. Four new ones
are in place in Iraq and four others near the Caspian
Sea.
He orders the development and
production of a new generation of nuclear arms for U.S.
use only, meanwhile threatening other nations-Iran and
North Korea, for example-against acquiring any of its
own.
Unleashing America's mighty sword,
he brings about regime changes in Afghanistan and Iraq
but mires our forces in quagmires, from which escape
seems unlikely for many years.
He isolates America from common
undertakings with time-tested allies. He trivializes the
United Nations and violates its charter.
The president offers wars without
end, and the Congress shouts its approval. But his use
of America's vast arsenal is so reckless that he is
regarded widely as the most dangerous man in the world.
Here at home, in his frantic quest
for terrorists, he stoops to bigoted measures based on
race and national origin, tramples on civil liberties,
and spreads fear and disbelief throughout the land.
Those of Middle Eastern ancestry, and many others,
buckle under government-inflicted humiliations and
abuses with trepidation, sorrow and resentment.
Frustrated by Iraqi dissidents who
protest the occupation by killing U.S. troops almost
daily, the president reverts to war measures. He orders
heavy aerial bombing in wide areas of the countryside.
Even as body bags pile high, the
president seems oblivious to war's horror. The rockets
and one-ton bombs may kill a few Iraqi guerrillas and
cause others to pull back and pause, but they kill and
maim innocent civilians, level homes, turn neighborhoods
into rubble, and permanently blight many lives. They
create deep-seated outrage, not cooperation.
The Iraqi carnage is piled alongside
the simultaneous destruction and blighting of American
lives. More than 500 U.S. military personnel have been
killed and, according to one estimate, nearly 10,000
have been wounded. Ponder that fact. Ten thousand
American families permanently blighted in a war the
United States initiated. Mark Twain, writing of war,
once asked, "Will we wring the hearts of the unoffending
widows with unavailing grief?"
The president overreacts to 9/11 by
leading America into a lengthy fiery trial that may last
far into the future-years of U.S.-initiated wars
designed to punish regimes believed to harbor
terrorists.
This is not the America my
generation fought to preserve in World War II.
Starting wars will not bring a just peace. The president
should ponder deeply why many people in many nations
engage in anti-American protest.
The answer: People worldwide,
especially in Iraq and Palestine, are livid over
grievances against America. Almost all Iraqis are glad
Saddam Hussein is out of power, but many of them-the
total may be a substantial majority-see America as
arrogant, biased, untrustworthy, and bent on world
domination.
Here are some of the reasons:
> In the l980s--the height of
Saddam's cruel treatment of Kurds and other Iraqi
citizens-the U.S. government served as the dictator's
silent, uncomplaining partner, helping him battle Iran
by providing intelligence, and critical military
supplies, even some components of weapons of mass
destruction.
> At the end of the 1991 Gulf War,
Iraqis had a bitter experience with the president's
father. President George Bush, Sr. publicly urged the
Iraqis to overthrow Saddam. His call prompted a strong
uprising, but Bush refused U.S. support in any form.
This bleak rejection prompted Saddam to use helicopter
gun-ships to slaughter dissidents by the hundreds. He
had retained use of these lethal aircraft in a provision
of the U.S.-approved armistice.
> Iraqis also remember bitterly that
U.S. fighter planes enforced sanctions on the people of
Iraq for a decade after the Gulf War. This embargo was
so harsh, it led to immense civilian suffering,
including the death of at least a half-million Iraqi
infants.
> Today, Iraqis are wary
of the President's motives and dependability. Many doubt
that his true objectives are, as he now states,
establishing freedom and democracy in their country, or,
as he earlier stated, destroying Iraq's weapons of mass
destruction.
Aware that he ignored offers of
conciliation from Saddam's emissaries before the
invasion, they believe he harbors dreams of an American
empire and wanted the war in Iraq, come what may.
>Their greatest and most
deep-seated complaint is:
Bush's failure to make even the
slightest move to halt America's anti-Arab bias. For
example, the president has made no effort to distance
America from Israel's colonialism.
He pays lip-service to statehood as
a goal for the Palestinians, but he has done nothing to
stop Israeli Prime Minister Sharon's brutality of
Palestinians--assassinations, military forays that leave
vast death and destruction, high fences that confine
Palestinians like cattle, and the steady usurpation of
more Palestinian land.
Bush seems unconcerned by the
worldwide outrage at America's massive, unconditional,
uncritical support of Israel, without which the Jewish
state could never have carried out its humiliation and
devastation of Palestinian society.
Bush is overwhelmed by the influence
of religious zealots--both Zionist and fundamentalist
Christian. He ignores America's own heavy guilt for the
plight of Palestinians. He fails to recognize that more
than a billion Muslims worldwide, along with many
millions of non-Muslims, are deeply aggrieved at this
complicity.
Bush offers an exquisite example of
close-in hypocrisy. On one side of a Middle East border,
he tries to convince Iraqi Arabs that he offers them
democracy and freedom while, at the same time on the
other side of the border, he supports Israel's violent
denial of these identical rights for Palestinian Arabs.
Iraqis worry that U.S. occupation
will become a new colonialism--indefinite U.S. control
of Iraqi oil reserves, Israeli-style brutality, and a
U.S.-forced treaty that will keep Iraq from helping the
Palestinians.
President Bush is so befuddled by
the awful carnage of 9/11 and rumors of more assaults to
come that he does not see what is vivid to most of the
world--the real ground zero of terrorism is in
Palestine, not Manhattan. He ignores the real ground
zero at great peril to America.
This issue surmounts all others in
the presidential political campaign. It impels me to
speak out against what George W. Bush is doing. I am a
Republican, and I will remain in the Party of Lincoln. I
feel no joy in making this case against the president.
He may be sincere in his stewardship, but he is
wrong-dead wrong--in the direction he is taking our
country.
What should be done? Must the
president proceed with wars without end?
The president's best war decision is
purely political one, and it is plain, peaceful,
generous and just. He must make a clean break from
Israel's scofflaw behavior.
If Bush has the will, he can easily
free himself and America. If he acts, he will transform
the grim scene in Iraq and elsewhere in the Middle East
into bright promise. Any day he chooses, the president
can instantly-without firing a shot--quiet guerrilla
warfare in Iraq and anti-American protests throughout
the world.
All he needs to do is inform Sharon
that all aid will be suspended until Israel vacates the
Arab territory Israeli forces seized in June 1967. U.S.
aid is literally Israel's lifeline, so the ultimatum
would be electrifying evidence that the United States,
at long last, will do what is right for Arabs and
Muslims, while still protecting Israel from attack. If
Bush acts, the Iraqi people will have reason to believe,
for the first time, that the U.S. government truly
opposes colonialism.
The ultimatum would prompt rejoicing
worldwide, not just among Iraqis and Palestinians.
Opinion polls show that a large majority of Israelis,
weary of the long, bloody struggle to subjugate the
Palestinians, would welcome co-existence with an
independent, peaceful Palestine.
An impressive foundation for this
presidential ultimatum already exists. All member-states
of the Arab league, plus Hamas and Hezbollah,
unanimously offered peace-for-withdrawal four years ago.
A similar plan, called the Geneva Accords, was recently
announced jointly by former officials of Israel and
Palestine. Almost simultaneously, four retired heads of
Israeli intelligence even urged full, unilateral
withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza.
By standing resolutely for justice
for Palestinians, who are mostly Muslim, Bush would
virtually end anti-American protests and strengthen
moderate forces worldwide.
Will Bush liberate America from
endless wars and chart a constructive, peaceful new
future for our nation? If he does so promptly, he will
be a shoo-in for reelection. If he does not, I will join
other Republicans-there will be many of us--in urging
his defeat.
Paul Findley, a Member of Congress
for 22 years, is the author of They Dare to Speak Out:
People and Institutions Confront Israel's Lobby and
chairman emeritus of the Council for the National
Interest. He writes books and articles from his home in
Jacksonville, Illinois, and lectures widely on
international affairs.
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