The bond between Britain’s former Prime Minister Tony Blair and US
President George W. Bush is well-known. In America it was praised. Britons, on
the other hand, often winced at Blair’s sycophantic role and sometimes accused
him of putting US interests before those of his own people. Now that Blair has
moved aside for Gordon Brown and UK troops are heading out of Basra is the
‘special relationship’ between Britain and the US – first coined by Winston
Churchill in 1946 - still as special?
The ‘special relationship’, based on what numerous
presidents and prime ministers refer to as “shared values” and “respect for
democratic principles”, goes back a long way. In fact, there is much more to
it. The two countries share a common language, similar cultural mores, strong
economic and trade links, intelligence sharing and defense concerns.
As the sun waned over the British Empire, it became clear that its closeness
to the US allowed it to punch above its weight in the global arena. From the
American perspective, Britain is personified as a wise, elder statesman,
needed to rubber stamp its often unpalatable foreign policies. It further
serves as a diplomatic bridge between the US and the EU and is a solid
ideological partner in the UN and NATO.
In the past, this symbiotic relationship has been strained but never to actual
breaking point.
World War II
For instance, America’s hesitancy in entering World War II on Britain’s side
dismayed London struggling to contain the spread of Nazism and defend the home
country. Later on, though, Churchill and Franklin Roosevelt were particularly
close.
Suez
Cracks in the alliance formed once again during the 1956 Suez crises when
Britain joined with Israel and France to attack Egypt after President Nasser
nationalized the Suez Canal and closed it to Israeli shipping. The US could
not be persuaded to join the fray and the failed attack headed by British
Prime Minister Sir Anthony Eden went down in history as one of Britain’s
biggest blunders.
Iraq
When it comes to standing shoulder to shoulder during times of war, the US-UK
record looks decidedly sketchy. Each country has gone its own way according to
its own national interest and public opinion. Tony Blair’s argument that he
had little choice but to take his country into Iraq in order to preserve the
special relationship is, therefore, spurious.
Indeed, history records that the Bush administration offered Blair the option
of staying on the sidelines in light of an overwhelmingly hostile British
public. But Blair was no Harold Wilson and today his legacy is forever tainted
with that decision.
Britain’s involvement in Iraq has been likened to Suez, while America’s
failures in that country have been compared to Vietnam. Both countries want to
extricate themselves from the quagmire of their own making without admitting
defeat or leaving behind a security vacuum, which eager regional powers are
anxious to fill.
Gordon Brown
Britain’s new Prime Minister Gordon Brown is doing a clever balancing act. It
is thought he is strongly pro-American but not necessarily pro-Bush. He is
also careful not to be perceived as anyone’s lapdog and is keen to distinguish
himself from his predecessor in both substance and style.
Brown’s choice of anti-Iraq War cabinet members and statements from several of
them to the effect the leaders of Britain and the US would no longer be joined
at the hip, prompted the new PM to hotfoot it over to Washington so as to
allay fears.
His meeting with George Bush at Camp David came hard on the heels of a
statement from Lord Malloch Brown, a junior Foreign Minister, who said he
hated being painted as anti-American but was “happy to be described as
anti-neo-con”, and hoped Britain’s foreign policy would become more impartial.
The International Development Secretary Douglas Alexander also ruffled
Washington’s feathers when speaking to the Council on Foreign Relations. While
acknowledging the special relationship he also stressed that Britain “must
form new alliances, based on common values, ones not just to protect us from
the world but ones which reach out to the world”.
“In the 20th century, a country’s might was too often measured in what they
could destroy,” he said. “In the 21st century it should be measured by what we
can build together.” The speech was later interpreted to be a snipe at
America’s misuse of power.
The Camp David tryst was carefully analyzed. Would Brown and Bush gel in the
way that Blair and Bush had from the get-go?
In the event it was clear that these were no political and personal soul mates
sharing a love for the same brand of toothpaste. Both men were formally
dressed and their conversation picked up my media microphones was awkward. “Do
you come here often?” asked Brown, who looked uncomfortable being driven
around by the grinning Texan in a golf cart.
The wives were left at home and whereas, Bush effusively praised his British
guest, Brown reserved his praise for the US, stressing on the two countries’
shared history and shared values. Brown also remarked that their conversation
behind closed doors had been “frank”, which is often diplomatic-speak for
confrontational.
If, indeed, there had been a disagreement it was probably over Brown’s
intention of pulling out British troops from southern Iraq. There are only
5,500 left in country, which at the time of writing are holed-up behind the
walls of Basra Airport waiting for a politically opportune moment to fly home
to Mum.
In fact, 5,500 troops are a mere drop in the ocean compared to the US force of
over 160,000 but their presence serves as a political fig leaf for Bush to
continue with his unpopular war. When they leave, the US will have to dispatch
troops to guard the supply route between Baghdad to Kuwait as well as
sensitive petrochemical facilities.
One of the US architects of the so-called troop surge strategy Frederick Kagan
warned a British exit risked creating “bad feeling” among US troops who may be
ordered to extend their terms of duty to fill the void.
It’s no secret that Bush has asked Gordon Brown to stay with the program and
complete the job (whatever that is). Unlike Blair, Brown doesn’t have that
luxury.
The British public and most politicians have had enough of the Iraq mess and
with an election on the cards – perhaps as early as this autumn – Brown,
currently way ahead in the polls, has to play to the gallery.
If Bush and Brown are publicly adhering to diplomatic niceties, their
respective militaries aren’t pulling any punches.
In August, a US commander accused Britain of allowing the security situation
in southern Iraq to deteriorate by disengaging.
On September 1, General Sir Mike Jackson, who led British troops during the
invasion, refuted the allegation that British forces had failed in Basra.
Moreover, he lashed out at the Pentagon for disbanding the Iraqi army and
binning State Department post-invasion plans.
Gen. Jackson also criticized former US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld for
saying US forces “don’t do nation-building”. US postwar policy was
“intellectually bankrupt”, Jackson said.
Various UK military leaders have also attacked their American counterparts for
being trigger happy, causing civilian casualties and blue-on-blue deaths as
well as failing to win hearts and minds. Bush’s advisors have, in turn,
slammed Britain for the chaos in southern Iraq and for what they term as
‘cutting and running’.
An article in Lebanon’s Daily Star by Michael Glackin titled “Is the special
relationship unraveling?” accuses Gordon Brown of being more Machiavellian
than Blair.
“In reality, Brown is as keen to maintain the laughingly lopsided ‘special
relationship’ with the US as all his predecessors were, from Winston Churchill
to Tony Blair. But Brown can recognize a lame-duck president when he sees
one,” Glackin writes.
Thus far Brown has done an excellent job of distancing himself from Bush’s
unpopular policies and Bush the man while, at the same time, being careful not
to terminally alienate Uncle Sam.
He is also adhering to a policy of good cop/bad cop, giving free rein to his
ministers to say what must be said followed by his own brand of damage
control. Such mixed messages are confusing which is exactly what they are
designed to be.
Brown is obviously hoping to walk the diplomatic tightrope until the next US
election when the next US President may be more embraceable.
There’s a good chance he can succeed…unless…between now and then Washington
launches another war. In that case, which way will Brown jump?
Will he emulate Harold Wilson who said ‘no’ to Vietnam or Tony Blair, who led
his nation kicking and screaming into Iraq? That is the question. And only
Brown and his maker know the answer.
As for the special relationship it may be going through a temporary blip but
like Siamese twins Britain and the US are inextricably bound together.
Even though many Britons believe it’s a one-way street with Britain giving the
most, if the pair were ever prized apart there is no doubt Britain would incur
the greatest losses. It would not be able to stand alone in multi-polar world
and would risk ending up a small EU country dwarfed by France and Germany.
There will always be ripples and rows. Currently it may be bruised and
battered. But the special relationship – barring unforeseen circumstances -
will always remain.